Punch Editorial Board
PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari’s
fledgling war on corruption has reached a critical juncture. In a case
that has generated outrage, the Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, has
been accused of buying two houses in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, at a
cost of $1.5 million. Curiously, the Nigerian Army has admitted that
Buratai, indeed, owns the assets, saying, however, that he bought them
with his savings in 2013. This is a major credibility test for the
President’s campaign against corruption.
It’s a fact of life that
corruption has decimated the efficiency and capability of the Nigerian
military. The ugly imprint of vice could be seen in the arms purchase
scandal, initially said to be $2.1 billion, but later estimated at $15
billion by the Vice-President, Yemi Osinbajo. The money was meant to buy
weapons to fight Boko Haram, but was allegedly diverted by senior
military commanders and their civilian collaborators. Buhari should know
that a corrupt military is highly unlikely to be able to defend the
country from internal and external aggression. How will such a military
hierarchy motivate the junior ranks?
The revelations from the
Nigerian Air Force on how some former Chiefs of Air Staff embezzled
funds left over from the funds released for personnel costs running into
billions of naira require that our military commanders, starting with
Buratai, be held to the highest probity standards. He must not be
insulated from questioning. Like all other Nigerians answering questions
before the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the COAS must be
subjected to the same thorough investigation.
Indeed, Buhari’s avowal to rid
the country of graft will gain traction or falter by the way he handles
this case as Buratai himself has not denied owning them. His defence
that the revelation is a smear campaign by some groups that are not
comfortable with the military’s successes against Boko Haram extremists
in the North-East evades the issue. His defence does not add up. A
military commander is defined by his actions and conduct on the
battlefront and in public service.
But the Army says, “The
allegations contained in the write-up are baseless and not correct. It
is a fact that the Buratai family have two ‘properties’ in Dubai that
were paid for by installments through personal savings three years ago.
These, along with other personal assets have consistently been declared
by (General) Buratai in his Assets Declaration Form as Commander,
Multinational Joint Task Force, and as Chief of Army Staff.” This
defence line appears weak and spurious. The underpinning question is how
a serving public officer can have the financial means to acquire assets
worth $1.5 million. What is his source of income? Buratai must provide
answers to these posers.The onus is on him to prove that the assets were
not acquired with the proceeds of corrupt enrichment; it is not the job
of his so-called “adversaries” to prove that he has lived above board.
The military requires rigorous
discipline and high ethical standards to perform optimally. Not even the
fact that a commander is running a successful military campaign is
enough for Buhari to overlook the allegations against Buratai. In the
United States, several top officers have been sanctioned for violating
its code of conduct for the military. David Petraeus, a general
described as one of the best of his generation, having served in Iraq
and Afghanistan, and as head of the Central Intelligence Agency, was
fined for divulging classified information to Paula Broadwell, his
biographer. He resigned in 2012.
Petraeus was not the only one.
Another US general was fired for receiving gifts from foreigners; a
former commander in the Africa Command, William Ward, was demoted for
treating himself and his wife to a $750-a-night Caribbean hotel suite,
and Michael Harrison (also a general), was demoted and removed from his
post in Japan for not properly investigating a colonel accused of sexual
assault. In 2014, Jeffrey Sinclair, then a brigadier-general, was
demoted to a lieutenant-colonel after admitting to having an amorous
affair with a subordinate. He was equally fined $20,000. A major-general
who headed the US military’s counter-terrorism force in the Horn of
Africa, Ralph Baker, was demoted to a brigadier-general in 2014 for
drinking and groping a senior female official in his car. We assume that
these cases are not as serious as buying two houses overseas for $1.5
million.
At the height of complaints
against US military commanders, President Barack Obama warned, “We
expect the nation’s senior military leaders to demonstrate the highest
standards of ethical conduct.” This is the way to go for Buhari. The
moral burden of the Buratai case is heavy on the President; he must
discharge it appropriately, no matter the weight. The late President Lee
Kuan Yew cleaned up Singapore, once notorious for corruption, by moving
against his ministers and close allies who flouted the rules. So far,
Buhari has not lived up to expectation by not moving with the urgency
the case requires. The allegations are enough for him to ask Buratai to
be investigated, cleared or be made to face the music.
Buhari convincingly sang the
anti-corruption mantra on his way to office: now that the campaign has
entered a decisive phase, and against one of his trusted lieutenants, he
should take action. The President should end his silence. We hold him
to his declaration that he would not spare any corrupt official. We
demand untrammelled accountability in governance, and reject the hasty
clearance issued to Buratai by the Ministry of Defence and the Army.
This messy episode offers the
Buhari administration a golden opportunity to institute lasting reforms
in the Armed Forces on procurement, discipline, finances and
accountability. There have been persistent allegations of commanders
hawking government ammunition, purchasing sub-standard equipment and
fleecing soldiers on the warfront of their allowances. The Nigerian
military is in crisis because the top guns get away easily with
violations. To regain their verve, the military must make every officer
accountable.
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